Search his campaign site, his blog, and his candidate surveys and you'll find no dedicated position on property taxes, mortgage rates, or the cost-of-living crisis hitting Minnesota families. His campaign language stays generic: "increasing housing supply," "cutting wasteful federal spending," "reducing the tax burden" — no numbers, no plan, no mention of what's actually happening to Minnesotans' tax bills or rent.
That's not a surprise. Wittrock spent 32 years as a business litigation attorney in a downtown Minneapolis law firm. He's never had to watch his own rent double or open a property tax assessment that jumped by thousands of dollars in a single year.
I moved to the Twin Cities in 2013 and paid $850 a month for a fully updated one-bedroom apartment in Crystal. That same unit rents for $2,000 a month today — a 111% increase. Minnesota wages over that same period grew about 42%. The math doesn't work, and every renter in this district already knows it in their gut.
I've watched what the Federal Reserve's rate decisions do to real Minnesotans firsthand: when rates rise, mortgages get more expensive, fewer people can buy, rental demand spikes, rents rise, and property assessments climb right along with them — hitting homeowners who didn't do anything to cause it. One Minnesota homeowner I've written about saw his property assessment jump $50,000 in a single year with zero renovations, and his tax bill went up $1,000 in that same year.
I'm fighting to get the federal government's hand out of local property taxes, bring mortgage rates down so young Minnesotans aren't locked out of homeownership until they're 40, and tie real wage growth to the actual cost of living here — not more government subsidies and rental programs that haven't worked in twenty years of one-party rule in this state.
In his own writing, Wittrock argued the federal government should require background checks on every gun sale with no exceptions, and should ban the consumer sale of assault weapons and semi-automatic weapons — the same category that includes the AR-15, one of the most popular rifles in Minnesota.
Both posts laying out this position were later removed from his website. They're still archived and publicly readable.
I'm not a lawyer building legal theories about how much of your Second Amendment you get to keep. I go to the range. I've gone through gun safety courses. I carry my permit, legally, because I believe in the responsibility that comes with the right.
I will never vote to ban the AR-15, restrict magazine capacity, or add new hoops for law-abiding gun owners to jump through. Full stop.
Read more about my stanceWittrock has no public record on the H-1B program, visa reform, or foreign worker displacement of American workers. His only immigration comments on file are general — "secure the border," reform the asylum system — with nothing addressing the legal visa system that's actually reshaping Minnesota's job and housing markets right now.
That silence matters. Minnesota's largest employers — Mayo Clinic, Medtronic, U.S. Bank, Optum, the University of Minnesota — have dramatically expanded their use of H-1B visas over the past decade, and a career litigation attorney with no small-business hiring experience has never weighed in on what that's doing to Minnesota workers.
No Public Record On His StanceI live in Minnetonka, one of the most concentrated H-1B employment zones in the state. I've had the direct conversations with my neighbors — good, hardworking people — who've told me themselves they're here on visa programs while also receiving state assistance. That's not a talking point. That's what Minnesota's policies have actually built.
The H-1B program was sold as a narrow fix for genuine skill gaps. Instead, Minnesota's largest employers have used it to pass over American engineers and software developers graduating from our own universities, while wage data and federal rulings confirm the "prevailing wage" system has suppressed pay across entire industries. It's also fueling the housing crisis — H-1B-driven demand is concentrated in exactly the metro job hubs, like Minnetonka and Eden Prairie, where rent has exploded.
My fix: outsource what you must, contract what you can, but stop putting foreign workers on the same benefits and long-term employment track as American workers. Move genuine specialty hires to a 1099 contractor model, close the outsourcing-firm loophole, cut the H-1B cap until the program is proven to be used as intended, and put American workers first in line for American jobs — full stop.
In his own campaign issue survey, Wittrock stated he supports the existence of sanctuary cities to protect undocumented persons — policies that shield people who are in the country illegally from federal immigration enforcement.
Both posts laying out this position were later removed from his website. They're still archived and publicly readable.
My answer isn't nuanced. If you are here illegally — whether you crossed the border illegally or overstayed a visa — it's time to pack up and go home. Self-deport. I support ICE and law enforcement, 100%, no hedging.
I grew up working roofing, siding, and factory jobs, and I've watched thousands of those jobs go to illegal labor while companies like Hormel Foods face zero accountability for who they hire. This isn't abstract for me — I couldn't get hired coming out of college while illegal labor undercut wages all around me. It's costing taxpayers billions a year, and it's Minnesota families who pay for it so we can't support our own.
Read more about the immigrationAlpha News MN's own headline calls him the "anti-Trump Republican" running in CD3. In that same interview, Wittrock said he did not plan to vote for Donald Trump in Minnesota's 2024 presidential primary, and said that if Trump won the GOP nomination, he'd vote for "the best alternative candidate" in the general election instead.
Tyler has said at conventions across this district: to Republicans, a "never Trump" candidate who won't commit to voting for the party's nominee is functionally casting his vote for whoever the Democrats put up — Hillary Clinton in 2016, Joe Biden in 2020, Kamala Harris and Tim Walz in 2024. That's Tyler's read on what Wittrock's own words mean, and it's exactly why Wittrock ran his 2024 campaign as a self-described "never Trumper" in the first place.
I vote red, and I don't vote for RINOs. A Republican who won't vote for our own party's nominee for President isn't a moderate — he's a Democrat wearing an R next to his name. CD3 Republicans deserve a nominee who actually votes Republican when it counts, not one who's on record calling himself "anti-Trump."
I voted for Trump 3x and had a Pro Trump Republican Party website in 2019 to help candidates with their marketing.
In a 2021 post on his blog, Wittrock argued the federal government should keep funding Medicaid, CHIP, and the ACA as a permanent "safety net," specifically citing the ACA's protections for people with pre-existing conditions as something worth preserving. That protection works by banning medically underwritten pricing — insurers can't charge people differently based on health status.
On his 2026 candidate questionnaire, he left the direct healthcare policy question blank. His campaign site speaks only in general terms about "bringing real competition back to healthcare," with no specifics on underwriting, the ACA, or how costs would actually come down.
I was a licensed life and health insurance agent in Minnesota. I sold individual and group policies. I know exactly what's driving these costs, because I've sat across the table from families buying coverage and written the group policies for employers.
Here's the problem: Obamacare eliminated real underwriting. Nobody can pay less for being healthy, so everyone pays more. A healthy family can pay $500 a month with a $5,000 deductible and barely use it in a given year, while someone on a union group plan through their employer — teachers, Cemstone, UPS — pays next to nothing. My proposal: bring back fully underwritten policies, and move toward getting the whole country onto group-style coverage instead of leaving every household to fend for itself on the individual market. Pay for your risk, not somebody else's.
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